Too much attention is being paid to how bad populist leaders such as Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen and Jeremy Corbyn are, and to how their programmes, left or right, will ruin the countries they aspire to govern.
人们对这两件事投入了太多关注：唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)、马琳•勒庞(Marine Le Pen)以及杰里米•科尔宾(Jeremy Corbyn)等民粹主义领导者有多糟糕、他们或左倾或右倾的计划将如何摧毁他们渴望执掌的国家。
There is too little focus on the hope and optimism they give their many millions of followers.
人们太不关注的则是他们给自己的无数追随者带来的希望和乐观。
It is true, for example, that Mr Corbyn, leader of the UK’s opposition Labour party, cuts no figure as a prime minister-in-waiting, as most of his parliamentary colleagues have discovered.
例如，英国反对党工党(Labour party)领袖科尔宾的确没有个侯任首相的样子，正如他在议会的多数同僚所发现的那样。
But the minority support he attracts to Labour — and more importantly the signal sent by the Brexiter majority in June — speak clearly of frustration and resentment at being left behind.
但是他为工党争取到的少数群体的支持——更重要的是退欧派在6月公投中以多数胜出所发出的信号——清楚表明了落后者对自身状态的沮丧和怨恨。
It is the constituency to which Hillary Clinton spoke in her acceptance of the Democratic nomination in the US presidential race: Some of you are frustrated — even furious.
希拉里•克林顿(Hillary Clinton)在接受民主党总统候选人提名的演讲中说：你们中一些人感到沮丧——甚至愤怒。
And you know what? You’re right.
你们知道吗？你们没错。这话正是对这部分选民说的。
Other EU countries are not faced with Frexit, Itexit or Deuxit but their political establishments also have left-behinders who refuse to support the mainstream parties.
法国、意大利、德国等欧盟其他国家没有出现退欧运动，但是他们的政治建制派也面对着拒绝支持主流政党的落后者。
The popularity rating of Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front, rose to 27 per cent, according to a BVA opinion poll published last month, surpassing François Hollande, the Socialist president, and Nicolas Sarkozy, the former president, of the centre-right Republicans.
根据BVA上月公布的一份民调结果，极右翼政党国民阵线(National Front)的领袖马琳•勒庞的支持率上升至27%，超过了社会党(Socialist)总统弗朗索瓦•奥朗德(François Hollande)以及中右翼政党共和党(Republicans)领袖、前总统尼古拉•萨科齐(Nicolas Sarkozy)。
In Italy, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi’s Democratic party lost the mayoralties of Rome and Turin in June to the Five Star Movement, an inchoate populist party that demands a referendum on the euro and leads, narrowly, in several opinion polls.
6月，意大利总理马泰奥•伦齐(Matteo Renzi)领导的民主党(Democratic party)在罗马市长和都灵市长选举中输给了五星运动党(Five Star Movement)。后者是新兴的民粹主义政党，主张就是否留在欧元区进行公投，在多项民调中以微弱优势领先。
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) won seats in some state legislatures this year and is calling for a vote on EU membership.
今年德国新选择党(Alternative for Germany)在一些州议会赢得了席位，该党正在呼吁就是否留在欧盟内进行投票。
The anti-immigrant Swedish Democrats have been challenging the Social Democrats, who lead the government, in opinion polls.
反对移民的瑞典民主党(Sweden Democrats)在民调中对执政党社会民主党(Social Democrats)形成挑战。
In Austria, the re-run of April’s election in October may put Norbert Hofer of the far-right Freedom party in the presidential palace.
在奥地利，10月重新举行的总统大选可能会将极右翼自由党的诺贝特•霍弗(Norbert Hofer)推到总统宝座上。
In the US and Europe, rising inequality, wage stagnation and workplace insecurity merge with concern about fragmenting communities, exacerbated by fear of unregulated immigration and terrorism.
在美国和欧洲，不断加剧的不平等、薪资停滞不前、工作不安全感与对社会分裂的关切交织在一起，难以控制的移民和恐怖主义令这一切雪上加霜。
The fusion of these forces produces a popular energy that in America went rightwards, to Mr Trump of the Republicans, and left to Bernie Sanders, Mrs Clinton’s former rival for the Democratic nomination.
这些因素融合在一起，催生了一股民众的能量。在美国，这股能量向右走，就托起了共和党的特朗普；向左走，就托起了此前与希拉里竞争民主党候选人提名的伯尼•桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)。
In Europe, it mainly goes to the right.
在欧洲，这股能量主要向右走。
A large part of working class voters in the leading states of the democratic west favour rightwing politics as a bulwark against immigration, as a protest against the ending of secure work with steadily rising incomes and as a poke in the eye of their elites.
在主要的西方民主国家，很大一部分工人阶级选民支持右翼政党，因为右翼政党是抵御移民的堡垒，是对收入稳步增长、工作有保障时代走到尽头的抗议，是精英阶层的眼中钉。
After the June referendum in the UK, mainly working and lower middle-class people appeared in interviews lamenting the loss of community, the presence of immigrants who did not become part of it, and the threat of the EU displacing Westminster as a sovereign power.
6月英国退欧公投结束后，一些民众在接受采访时痛惜融洽的社会不复存在、未融入英国社会的移民以及英国的主权可能被欧盟夺走——这些受访者主要来自工人阶级和中产阶级下层。
Such talk is often dismissed as a search for better yesterdays but it also speaks to a wish to make the UK a better place than it has, for these respondents, become.
人们往往认为这些话不过是怀念过去的好日子，但其实这些话也传达出这些受访者的一个愿望——希望英国对他们而言变得更好。
Mr Corbyn wants to make his country a better place through socialism; Mr Trump favours America First; Ms Le Pen, national revival outside the EU.
科尔宾希望通过社会主义让英国变得更好；特朗普信奉美国优先(America First)；勒庞主张在欧盟之外实现民族复兴。
Too few critics recognise that for millions these are sketches of a better society.
几乎没有任何批评者意识到，对于许多选民来说，这些主张描绘了一个更好的社会。
The established parties will probably prevail.
老牌政党可能最终会赢。
Mrs Clinton is probably the next US president.
希拉里很可能会成为下一任美国总统。
Mr Corbyn is not expected to occupy 10 Downing Street.
科尔宾预计不会入主唐宁街10号。
Ms Le Pen may make it into the second round of the presidential election — only to be beaten heavily in the final vote, just as her father was in 2002.
勒庞可能会进入总统大选的第二轮——但在决选投票中依然会惨败，就像2002年她父亲的遭遇一样。
German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government still commands the centre, right and left.
德国总理安格拉•默克尔(Angela Merkel)政府仍然掌控着中翼、右翼和左翼。
But the new normal is not likely to be a return to settled party rule.
但是新的常态不太可能重返过去稳定的党派执政。
Political elites have neither vigorously enough renewed their offerings to the electors nor shared their disillusionment.
政治精英既没有足够有力地更新对选民的承诺，也没有设身处地体会他们的幻灭。
The moderates in the UK Labour party, for example, have failed to produce a vision for a new relationship between social democracy and a much changed capitalism and globalisation since the Third Way debates under Tony Blair in the 1990s.
例如，自上世纪90年代托尼•布莱尔(Tony Blair)领导下有关第三条道路(Third Way)的辩论以来，英国工党中的温和派一直未能描绘出，社会民主主义与已经大为改变的资本主义以及全球化之间应构建怎样的新关系。
In Europe, the future of the euro is threatened by EU ambivalence about where sovereignty should lie and the failure of the single currency to be either stable or a mechanism for closer union.
在欧洲，两件事正威胁着欧元的未来：欧盟对主权适用范围犹豫不决、以及单一货币既没能实现稳定也没能成为促进欧盟团结的手段。
This is a fearful time, with popular authoritarian leaders to Europe’s east probing for advantage.
这是个可怕的时代，在欧洲以东，受到民众欢迎的威权领导人正在探寻有利条件。
Liberals of left or right cannot emulate the populists but their leaders have no choice but to work harder at shaping a politics of freedom that does not feel like in-difference to left-behinders on the part of out-in-fronters.
自由派（无论左翼还是右翼）不能效仿民粹主义者，但是自由派领导人别无选择，必须更努力地改变自由主义政治的面貌，不能让人觉得它代表着精英人士对落后者的漠视。